Philip Bell


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The could-have-been Scottish revolution in photos (16-18 September 2014)

The penultimate ‘Yes’ rally in Glasgow’s George Square

Tommy Sheridan’s voice was hoarse from his tireless speaking tour rallying grassroots support for his radical vision for an independent Scotland.

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The ‘People’s Karaoke’

People's Karaoke

After-school activities; a ‘YESFS’ (Yes Fuck Sake) biro tattoo.

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‘No’ voters on the edge of George Square turn their backs on ‘Yes’ voters in a show of disrespect.

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‘Yes’ voters moved to enclose the provocative ‘No’ voters from all sides as police protection came into force. This was a rare act of nationalist aggression.

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Palestinian and Catalan flags were on display, and a speaker from (Guinea) spoke on the main stage. This internationalism, however, veiled the inevitable xenophobia and anti-international sentiment of nationalism as a political concept. This Catalan artist’s candle mural of the Catalan and Scottish flags was demonstrative of a reaching out to international reference-points.

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What both sides agree on is that the referendum campaign encouraged unprecedented political dialogue. This photo was taken outside the ‘No’ rally in a Glasgow suberb where Gordon Brown gave a once-in-a-lifetime speech which undoubtedly came from the heart – something voters had failed to see on the ‘No’ side up to that point.

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Oil Money in Brunei: Buying Freedom

Hassanal Bolkiah was crowned Sultan of Brunei in August 1968. After Bhumidal Adulyadej of Thailand, Queen Elizabeth II, Almu’tasimu Billahi Muhibbuddin Tuanku Alhaj Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah Ibni Almarhum Sultan Badlishah of Malaysia (whose name is nearly as long as his 54 year reign), and Oba Aetona of Nigeria, Bolkiah is one of the longest-reigning monarchs in the world.

Known to some as the ‘shellfare state’, Brunei is heavily endowed with oil and gas resources. The 407,000 inhabitants enjoy free schooling and healthcare without being made to pay tax. The fruits of the oil industry are not, however, shared by Brunei’s rapidly industrialising neighbour Malaysia, which has a Gross National Income (GNI) of US$7,700 (£4,875) compared with Brunei’s US$31,800 (£20,132).

The sultan of Brunei

The Sultan

 

Backed by Oil

This rosy picture is undermined by an unsustainable political system. In 1991, amid calls for the democratisation of the state, the Sultan introduced a policy named ‘Malay Islam Monarchy’, where the members of the monarchy became the official ‘defenders’ of Islam.

Through religion the Sultan has been able to maintain control of the people. The primary internet service provider is state-owned, and although only 33% of the population have access to internet, it is monitored for ‘subversive’ sites or messages including pornography which, if detected, leave the perpetrator subject to fines or imprisonment.

In 2005, the Sedition Act was passed to regulate the national press, preventing publication of any criticisms of the religious or monarchical system. Freedom House, an international organisation dedicated to the survey of political rights and civil liberties, judges Brunei on a regressive scale from one to seven at just six.
At Odds with Global Investors

However, the religio-monarchical structure causes more tension with foreigners than with locals. Positive discrimination gives religious elites and those related to the Sultan extensive social privileges. International companies can struggle to work effectively in Brunei because of the social barriers preventing criticism of those holding prestigious positions, many of which are not earned on the basis of merit. A British Gurkha regiment stationed at the Shell oil refinery is perhaps a sign of a further burden from working in this volatile environment.

Stuart Rylance, an affiliate of Shell Brunei, said: “[Shell] are now employing more Arabs from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates” instead of Europeans, due to religious barriers. Indians are also being drafted in.

Despite this, there is an expatriate community in Brunei made up mostly of Dutch oil employees and British nationals left over from colonial rule which lasted until 1984. Furthermore, it does not look like Shell will be moving from the huge oil and gas supplies in Brunei any time soon.

Alienated by the theocratic Sultanate and small in number, the expatriate community is fairly transient, with most spending only four years in the country. They are allowed bacon once a year, and, while Europeans are allowed to import heavily taxed alcohol, Chinese residents have to find it illegally.

Fabulously Rich

It is ironic that the Bruneian Sultanate is famously extravagant. As well as owning one of the most extensive collections of super-cars on earth, Prince Jaffri, Bolkiah’s younger brother, is said to own two boats affectionately named “Tit 1” and “Tit 2”. Jaffri, who was allegedly expelled from Brunei for organising an all-female naked tennis match, was sued by Bolkiah in 2000 for misspending US$15 billion (£9.6 billion).

There are inherent contradictions between the philosophy of the state and its actual running. The monarchy act irresponsibly at times, and a huge proportion of the potential wealth is consumed by them. The state is desperately undemocratic and the people do not have the freedom to say what they want. Despite this, it does not appear that a population which does not pay tax and enjoys a high standard of living see this as unfair. With a life expectancy of 81 for a woman and 76 for a man, they have the freedom to live far longer than in most other countries in the region.

The system in Brunei seems temporary, bolstered by unsustainable oil money in a nation that is by many standards undeveloped. The freedom of the people appears to be bribed from them with black gold. Even a thieving and philandering monarchy are not publicly opposed by the Brunein people, as there is not yet enough of an incentive to go against the weight of the system. The question is, however, for how long can this go on?


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Ulster Scots or Ulster Slang

Thon yoke cowped in the sheugh” means “That car crashed into the ditch” in the dialect/ language Ulster-Scots/ Scots-Irish. The controversial nature of this form of speaking and, to a lesser extent writing, which was first documented in 1640, is immediately clear.
A synthesis of Lallans Scotch, English and Irish, its exact place in modern Northern Irish society is ambiguous. Although Sinn Féin claim to be “relaxed” about the encouragement of the deeply politicised form of communication, the Ulster-Scots Language Society believe the language is “heavily stigmatised.”
In 1998 Ulster-Scots was recognised as “part of the cultural wealth of the island of Ireland” by the “Good Friday agreement” – in Ulster-Scots: “pairt o’ the wealth o’ heirskeip o’ the islan’ o’ Airlan’.” The British Government ratified Ulster-Scots under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages giving it Stage 2 status; a stage 3 status would allow it a place in the Northern Ireland educational curriculum. It is currently possible to study for a GCSE in Ulster-Scots, but there is still no official dictionary.
Sinn Féin politicians have always started and ended their addresses to the Stormont Assembly in Irish. Ulster-Scots has come more recently to be associated with Unionism, particularly the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP.) Current politicians such as the DUP politicians Jim Wells and Jimmy Spratt stray into Ulster-Scots when speaking in Stormont. It must be said that the dialect comes out irregularly and often out of anger.
Nelson McCausland, a member of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and former Northern Ireland Minister for Culture arts and leisure (DCAL) described the need for “cultural confidence” and stressed the need for mutual cultural respect from both sides of the community. The DUP stress “addressing the disparity” in funding between Ulster-Scots and Irish. The funding is needed for the Ulster-Scots Agency (Tha Boord o Ulstèr-Scotch) for promotion and preservation of the language but also a department of Ulster-Scots was opened at the University of Ulster in 2001.
If the Sinn Féin Martin McGuiness can shout in Irish, the DUP Nelson McCausland can shout in Ulster-Scots. If road signs on the Falls Road can be posted in Irish, then ones on the Shankill Road can be in Ulster-Scots. Interestingly, the DUP’s affinity with Ulster-Scots may be tested if Scotland votes for independence in the advertised 2014 referendum.
But this political Ping-Pong overshadows the unifying potential of Ulster-Scots. The language is the product of Scottish Protestants living for four hundred years with Irish speakers, and represents a shared cultural heritage.
Ulster-Scots or Ulster Slang?
“Thon yoke cowped in the sheugh” means “That car crashed into the ditch” in the dialect/ language Ulster-Scots/ Scots-Irish. The controversial nature of this form of speaking and, to a lesser extent writing, which was first documented in 1640, is immediately clear.
A synthesis of Lallans Scotch, English and Irish, its exact place in modern Northern Irish society is ambiguous. Although Sinn Féin claim to be “relaxed” about the encouragement of the deeply politicised form of communication, the Ulster-Scots Language Society believe the language is “heavily stigmatised.”
In 1998 Ulster-Scots was recognised as “part of the cultural wealth of the island of Ireland” by the “Good Friday agreement” – in Ulster-Scots: “pairt o’ the wealth o’ heirskeip o’ the islan’ o’ Airlan’.” The British Government ratified Ulster-Scots under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages giving it Stage 2 status; a stage 3 status would allow it a place in the Northern Ireland educational curriculum. It is currently possible to study for a GCSE in Ulster-Scots, but there is still no official dictionary.
Sinn Féin politicians have always started and ended their addresses to the Stormont Assembly in Irish. Ulster-Scots has come more recently to be associated with Unionism, particularly the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP.) Current politicians such as the DUP politicians Jim Wells and Jimmy Spratt stray into Ulster-Scots when speaking in Stormont. It must be said that the dialect comes out irregularly and often out of anger.
Nelson McCausland, a member of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and former Northern Ireland Minister for Culture arts and leisure (DCAL) described the need for “cultural confidence” and stressed the need for mutual cultural respect from both sides of the community. The DUP stress “addressing the disparity” in funding between Ulster-Scots and Irish. The funding is needed for the Ulster-Scots Agency (Tha Boord o Ulstèr-Scotch) for promotion and preservation of the language but also a department of Ulster-Scots was opened at the University of Ulster in 2001.
If the Sinn Féin Martin McGuiness can shout in Irish, the DUP Nelson McCausland can shout in Ulster-Scots. If road signs on the Falls Road can be posted in Irish, then ones on the Shankill Road can be in Ulster-Scots. Interestingly, the DUP’s affinity with Ulster-Scots may be tested if Scotland votes for independence in the advertised 2014 referendum.
But this political Ping-Pong overshadows the unifying potential of Ulster-Scots. The language is the product of Scottish Protestants living for four hundred years with Irish speakers, and represents a shared cultural heritage.

ulster scots


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What Next? An interview with Kalle Lasn

Published in the Hilary Term issue of ISIS

“To me this is a kind of oxymoronic madness, I can’t believe that human beings are being so stupid at this moment in human history. We’re still telling each other we have to consume more to get out the fix that we’re in which was caused originally by the fact that we consume too much.” Kalle Lasn speaks with the energy of an agitator. Behind his soft Estonian accent lies the story that transformed him into a radical thinker.

He was born in Estonia in 1942 and spent time in a German refugee camp before his family moved to Australia. It was during the 1960s, when he had set up a market research company in Tokyo, that his worldview started to change. “I was making money like you wouldn’t believe… and yet, all the people around me who worked for all those advertising agencies that were my clients, you know all of a sudden I got bored with those guys. All they did was go around at night and fuck around and whenever I started talking about anything meaningful then they didn’t really want to talk about it.”

This disillusionment grew and, after making films and documentaries for PBC in Canada for twenty years, Lasn founded Adbusters in 1989. Through this left-wing, non-profit magazine, which features clever spoof adverts, poetry and short opinionated articles, Lasn put his ideas on a global stage and provided the stage for others.

Adbusters uses branding masterfully. Its images accuse corporations of perverting consumers, ironically using consumerism’s own weapons against itself. “It’s a process we’re all caught up in and there’s nothing we can really do about it… that process pumps thousands of marketing messages into our brains every day whether we like it or not.” Spoof adverts attack consumerism in the same way as genuine adverts support it. For twenty years the magazine has been running ‘buy nothing day’ and ‘TV turnoff week’.

But on September 17th 2011 the greatest branding exercise to date came to fruition. Thousands occupied Wall Street, and over the next few months occupied streets all over the world – #occupywallstreet.

When this message was printed in Adbusters they never expected it to reach so many. “That spark, the occupy movement – and now at Adbusters we’re saying ok, what’s next? How can we push this human experiment of ours on planet earth into orbit?”

Occupy poster

 

Lasn sees the “huge threat” of ecological degeneration and climate change, the failure of the foundations of neoclassical economic theory which “aren’t working any more”, and the “mental breakdown of humanity” – shown by increasing numbers of people with mental disorders – as evidence that the current system is failing. “This human experiment of ours on planet earth has never been more shaky [than] it is today.”

The Pussy riots in Russia, uprisings in Egypt and the Arab world, protests in Spain, Greece, Chile and Bolivia are all part of this same undercurrent of restlessness that was behind the occupy movement and even the 2011 London riots, he believes. The ecological, economic and psychological problems result from the failure of the current system and “all add up to this… very scary gut feeling among some young people that the future doesn’t compute anymore.”

“Most of the students at Oxford and most people in North America and the one billion rich people in the world, we’re still doing pretty damn ok” Lasn says as he reaches the height of his crescendo. But he predicts “there will be a crash moment, a financial or ecological crash… if we do have a crisis moment then things could move very fast.”

In recent years critics of the left have attacked them for identifying problems and not solutions. Lasn believes that the feeling of frustration among young people is the start of a longer revolution, and the lack of viable solutions is to be expected, citing past revolutions when the ideas have come after initial unrest. “Even though up to now we haven’t come up with any big ideas, those big ideas are percolating in the background.”

But what is the ideological framework for this movement? “Well ideology is kind of an old word, now things are more fragmented… I don’t think it [capitalism] is going to be suddenly replaced by a totally new system… it will become capitalism 2.0 maybe” he laughs.

In his new book, Meme Wars: The Creative Destruction of Neo-Classical Economics, Lasn depicts the flaws of neo-classical economics. It is not radically new, but uses the work that some economists, such as contributors Joseph Stiglitz and George Akerlof, have been working on for a long time. He sees the current economic system as unsustainable because it ignores the fact that resources are renewable and that we live on a vulnerable planet. It makes humans selfish he says, and has caused them to abuse the planet.

He speaks with the precision of someone who has taken English as a second language.  “30% of the world economy is money making money making money ad nauseam… that aspect of capitalism will morph into 2.0”. A Robin Hood tax which would take a 1% tax from all financial transactions and the banning of flash trading would both be part of Lasn’s idea of ‘capitalism 2.0’. “We will figure out the costs of our doing business” with a two-cost market regime which takes into account the ecological cost of products.

Lasn believes this reality will be won through communication technology. “It’s going to be brought about by young people with social media tools.”

And what have Adbusters got lined up to kick-start world revolution? Lasn envisages a #Goldman campaign. A twitter campaign that goes viral “and suddenly all 72 branches of Goldman Sachs are thrashed all over the world.” He says, speaking quickly and eagerly. He realises “our ability to vent our anger at these financial fraudsters who brought on the meltdown four years ago,” and adds that “that anger hasn’t subsided.”

The #kickitover campaign aims to inspire uprisings in economics departments in universities across the world. “My great wish would be that the economics students at Oxford, that they start putting up posters… and asking their professors, you know, how they measure progress and how come they didn’t see the meltdown coming four years ago, and I hope Oxford can once again play a role in shaping the economic paradigm.” Lasn is particularly animated when talking about the nearly 100 Harvard students who, in November 2011, walked out of Greg Mankiw’s class in protest. The #kickitover campaign aims to take this to a new level.

There are also plans for a video game, #killcap, which involves the player trying to defeat capitalism. The tag line reads: “EA Sports – challenge everything”

But when Lasn starts talking about “an apocalypse and a thousand year dark age” I immediately become skeptical. Maybe it’s because, as Lasn says “capitalism does have a style, a tone, a form, a kind of a feeling we all live by, it’s a process we’re all caught up in and there’s nothing we can really do about it.” Maybe I am too caught up in it. But I wonder whether there has ever been a generation in which at least some have not felt that the future “doesn’t compute”.

Is it tenuous to link Pussy riots, the reaction to corruption in Russia, and the anarcho-marxist Zapatistas in Mexico? Perhaps. Has there ever been a generation where at least some haven’t believed the world is about to end? I doubt it. And what makes me even more suspicious is that I know many of the things Lasn says are buzz words that repeatedly feature in his other interviews and in Adbusters. “Capitalism seems to be tankering and faulting in a big way”, “the future doesn’t compute”, “morph”. Adbusters is all about trendy slogans: ones that you’ll remember and spread, ones that can start revolution.

But this isn’t a mad has-been lefty. This is a man and organisation that clearly have the power to motivate thousands through their adept use of imagery, words and the internet. The ideas are not peripheral either. The reality of psychological degeneration in the West is supported by a lot of evidence and Lasn’s new book debunking current economic thought has seemingly been received with acclaim. The existence of climate change can hardly be refuted. Whatever you believe, the potential power of the Adbusters campaign is undeniable. As Lasn says “It could take a generation… but people are waking up to the fact that what we are doing isn’t sustainable.”

“We’re living in a very dangerous but hopeful moment in human history,” Lasn whispers excitedly . “We have the possibility of pulling off a singularity, a one-time mind shift. A revolutionary moment in human history when suddenly we morph into a new orbit and start doing things right.”

Golden Horns: Rhino poaching in East Africa

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Rhino

Rhino horn is more expensive than cocaine or gold on the Asian market, where it is worth over US$65,000 (£41,000) per kilogram. The horns are composed of keratin, the same substance as is found in human finger nails, but are seen to hold important Chinese medicinal values.

The rhino has survived for tens of millions of years, but is under serious threat from a new obstacle; man. A record 440 rhinos were poached in South Africa alone last year, according to the International Rhino Foundation, an increase of 97% from just five years ago, begging the question: how can poaching be controlled?

A 96% decrease in Black rhino numbers from 1970 to 1992 saw the species drop into the critically endangered bracket. In 2012, an estimated 4,240 Black rhinos survive, though the White Rhino is still at a more comfortable 20,000. Control of poaching has been successful on the whole since 1992, but a new era is emerging where black rhinos are threatened in countries like Kenya, Tanzania and South Africa.

Rhino horn is ground down into a powder and used to treat a number of illnesses. In 2003 a rumour was first circulated about the horn-aided curing of a Vietnamese official suffering from cancer accompanied a boom in the Vietnamese rhino horn market. Brian Van Blerk, a professional hunter born in Zimbabwe, says, “The reasons why poaching has become so prolific the past few years is supply and demand.” Chinese, Vietnamese and Yemeni markets are driving poachers to use more sophisticated and destructive methods of hunting, and with more than 8 million Chinese now working in Africa, the market is domestic as well as international.

Prosecuting Poachers

With this kind of monetary incentive, poaching has not only become large-scale, but also a serious professional criminal activity. A poaching network in Kenya dominated by Somalis has been linked to the wider East African Al-Shabaab cell, a splinter cell of Al-Qaeda. Helicopters, tranquilisers and silenced guns are part of this network of poachers. It is thought that piracy and poaching both stem from the same source.

Like pirates, poachers are rarely aptly prosecuted. After a rhino was poached in the Northern Kenyan Mugie Ranch, four Somalis and one Kenyan of the Picot tribe were caught in a car with two horns and were suspected of rhino poaching. They were fined only 50,000 Kenyan shillings each, the rough equivalent of US$602 (£380). Mugie has since moved its rhino into a national park. Thomas Mortensen, who lives at Mugie, admits, “With the current rate of poaching on the ranch at 1 to 2 per year, and the birth rate at 1.5 per year, you are going to lose out eventually.” Poachers can be legally shot on sight, but the law does not have the structural safeguards by which to treat them justly.

Kenyan-born Adam Clements, who runs the hunting company Adam Clements Safari Trackers, described Kenya’s wildlife conservation policy as “an animal genocide”. He argues that hunting would increase the monetary value of rhinos, and increase incentive for their safe-keeping. By providing infrastructural aid to local communities such as clinics, schools and boreholes, hunting outfitters, allowing people living in areas where rhinos are at risk to be “taught the value of wildlife”.

Killing Demand

Hunting through a permit system is legal in Tanzania and South Africa, but not Kenya. The statistics, however, don’t back up the pro-hunting argument, with so many rhinos poached in South Africa. As one Professional hunter puts it: “Most of the monies derived from hunting go to other government agencies instead of to the parks and wildlife.”

Rhino farming provides another option. Claus Mortensen advocates this as a necessary short-term policy: “If we do not start meeting the demand, we will not have any (black) rhino by 2017.” Rhino grows at roughly the same rate as human finger nails and could be shaved and the shavings used to satisfy market demand. This could compromise the competitive advantage of some rhinos, especially females who need sharp horns to protect their newly born calves. But Mr Mortensen recognises the need for rhino farming to “buy time to educate the next generations.”

Dispelling the myth about the medicinal value of rhino horns is in progress. Chinese journalists have actually visited Mugie ranch to gain information for a campaign against the use of rhino horn and other poached animal parts. Avaaz, an international charity, is rallying to encourage the EU to enforce bans on the import of horns to China and Vietnam.

Fighting poaching through conservation is effective with enough money. Action taken by the International Rhino Foundation in Loveld, South Africa, has considerably reduced poaching from 71 rhinos in 2008 to 18 in 2010. Anti-poaching requires painstaking work and puts those involved in danger. Rangers are working against the odds because, as Van Blerk says, “The areas the anti-poaching units have to cover are so vast.” In some private rhino sanctuaries, informers are said to be planted in local communities to alert the ranch-owners of a potential poach. Insufficient funds, according to Van Blerk, are the handmaidens of preservation failure.

This anachronistic obsession with rhino horns is untenable, or needs to be made so. Satisfying demand and education are the most important areas in addressing the problem. In the short term demand must be satisfied through farming rhino horns, or selling current stocks. In the long term demand can be reduced to a minimum through educating against this unsupported theory. It is humbling and shameful to think how small a speck human history is compared to the enduring rhinoceros. They are not possessions, and as Claus Mortensen says, “they belong to the world.”